Why the Revolution Was Coming (With or Without Pontiac)

Pontiac’s War resulted in the Proclamation of 1763, which eventually led to events on 15 April 1775. While taxes and other actions provided propaganda material, the Proclamation itself was the true catalyst.

The reason centers on land speculation. Two colonial factions competed for Ohio Valley investments: the Pennsylvania group (including Benjamin Franklin) and the Virginia faction (led by George Washington). When Parliament enacted the Proclamation through King George III, these wealthy and influential interests suffered directly.

The author expresses deep respect for both men, particularly Washington whom he believes “redeemed himself in ways Ben never did.”

But what if history had unfolded differently? Suppose Pontiac never unified the tribes—imagine one decisive battle stopping them before coordination spread across hundreds of miles. This scenario functions as a key event in the author’s series. Alternatively, what if Neolin’s spiritual movement failed to gain traction, or tribal factions disagreed on strategy?

Without rebellion, the famous boundary line disappears. Colonial westward expansion proceeds unopposed. Franklin and Washington accumulate wealth from Ohio Valley investments rather than resenting royal betrayal.

Yet American character runs deep. The author observes: “we rebel.”

Most American ancestors emigrated with “a healthy disrespect for home authority.” They possessed determination to become victors rather than victims, combined with a principle: “we won’t destroy you unless you mess with us.”

By 1763, colonial America had developed independently for a century. Successive generations solved problems locally because assistance was months away by ship. They built their own governments because London remained distant. They conducted their own wars because British regulars rarely arrived when needed.

The French and Indian War eliminated the critical factor ensuring colonial loyalty. For over one hundred years, colonists required British protection against French Canadian expansion. That existential threat maintained their allegiance.

You don’t rebel against your protector when danger surrounds you.

New France’s defeat changed everything. The security threat guaranteeing British protection’s necessity vanished.

Even without Pontiac’s War, American independence would have arrived. Perhaps the timing would shift—maybe 1785 when Washington was too elderly for military command. Pennsylvania-Virginia faction conflicts might have triggered it instead. The path would differ, but the destination remained identical.

The fundamental conflict wasn’t about specific policies. It represented a complete worldview collision.

The frontier generated a distinct society. Competence mattered more than birth. Worth came through accomplishment, not parentage. Influential Americans believed they’d earned equality.

Colonial wealth came from siphoning parliamentary funds through inflated contracts and currency manipulation. When Parliament attempted recovering that money while treating Americans as subordinates, this highlighted the social divide between nations.

Class consciousness persists in England differently than America. Americans expected equal treatment, not inferior status. They possessed sufficient wealth to consider resistance feasible.

Alternate history reveals the contingency that makes compelling fiction possible.

The author asks the central question: how do you prevent American rebellion when independence runs through the national character? His answer: “you don’t.”

To preserve the union, extraordinary measures become necessary—measures falling completely outside historical norms. This scenario unfolds in his third book.